The Republic of Cyprus grants the United Kingdom, Greece and Turkey most-favoured-nation treatment for all agreements of any kind. This provision shall not apply to treaties between the Republic of Cyprus and the United Kingdom concerning military bases and installations granted to the United Kingdom. The President and vice-President of the Republic each have the right to exercise the privilege of mercy against persons sentenced to death in their respective communities. in cases where applicants and convicts are members of different communities, the privilege of mercy shall be exercised by mutual agreement between the President and the Vice-President. in case of disagreement, the leniency vote shall prevail. If clemency is granted, the death penalty is commuted to life imprisonment. II. The President and the President of the Republic of Cyprus may, by agreement, request the Greek and Turkish Governments to increase or decrease the Greek and Turkish quotas. Under these agreements, Britain retained its military bases in Cyprus (99 square miles) as well as the right to use the island`s territorial waters and airspace for military purposes.
In addition, the agreements obliged the Cypriots to conclude a “treaty of alliance” that allowed the stationing of contingents of Greek and Turkish troops on the island, and a “treaty of guarantee” that curred the guarantors (Great Britain, Greece and Turkey) the right to interfere in the internal affairs of the Republic of Cyprus. With regard to NATO`s commitments, you state in your message that the essence of NATO requires that the allies make a non-war and that a Turkish intervention in Cyprus would lead to a military engagement between Greek and Turkish forces. I fully agree with the first part of your statement, but the commitment of NATO allies to respect the international agreements between them, as well as their mutual contractual rights and obligations, is an equally important condition of the Alliance. An alliance between states that ignore their mutual contractual obligations is unthinkable. With regard to the concern you have about the outbreak of a Turkish-Greek war in the event of Turkish intervention in Cyprus in accordance with its rights and obligations set out in international agreements, I would like to stress that Turkey would conduct a military operation in Cyprus exclusively under the conditions set out in the agreements and for the purposes set out in the agreements. Therefore, a Turkish-Greek war, which was rightly described as literally unthinkable by the Honourable Dean Rusk, could only take place in the event of Greek aggression against Turkey. We believe that, in the event of such an intervention, we call for effective cooperation with a view to restoring constitutional order in Cyprus, both in Greece and in the United Kingdom, in its capacity as guarantor powers. If, despite this invitation and its contractual obligations, Greece attacked Turkey, we would in no way be responsible for the consequences of such an action. I hope that you have already made the Greek Government seriously aware of these issues. The part of your message that expresses doubts about the commitment of NATO allies in the event that it becomes directly involved in the USSR as a result of an action initiated in Cyprus gives me the impression that there are great differences of opinion between us on the nature and basic principles of the North Atlantic Alliance. I must admit that this has been the source of great sadness and concern for us. Any aggression against a NATO member will, of course, require an effort of justification on the part of the aggressor.
If NATO`s structure is so weak that it recognizes the accusations of the aggressors, it means that NATO`s mistake really needs to be corrected. We assume that the North Atlantic Treaty imposes on all Member States the obligation to provide immediate assistance to any Member State that has been the victim of aggression. .